Yemen Crisis: Saudi Arabia Builds Defensive Military Alliance (Fears of Wider Regional Conflict)
Murad Makhmudov, Noriko Watanabe, and Lee Jay Walker
Modern Tokyo Times
The crisis in Yemen continues to spiral, with growing fears of greater regional involvement. In response, Saudi Arabia is gradually building up a defensive military structure at home while supporting forces confronting the Houthis inside Yemen. Accordingly, Pakistan and Türkiye (Turkey), since signing the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement in August 2026, are sending additional defensive structures to strengthen Saudi Arabia’s internal security. At the same time, Egypt and the United Kingdom promise to provide similar support in the defensive realm.
Yemen’s internal crisis pits the Iran-backed Houthis against a patchwork of forces fighting under the internationally recognized government. Accordingly, Saudi Arabia – frequently attacked by Houthi missile and drone strikes, which the Houthis describe as retaliatory – is boosting its defensive capabilities while preparing greater internal backing for forces confronting the Houthis inside Yemen.
The United Nations’ humanitarian office (OCHA) warned about the deteriorating situation facing ordinary civilians. This concerns the displacement of at least 290,000 people since the crisis erupted once more in August. Of immediate concern are the environs of Taiz and strategic coastal areas.
The Guardian reports, “The Houthis are trying to send the city of Taiz back to the stone age, the city’s governor said in a briefing designed to urge the international community to do more to lift the month-long siege.“
Yemen’s civil war – shaped by religious, political and regional divisions – has long evolved into a proxy struggle involving Saudi Arabia and regional allies on one side and Iran on the other. Consequently, renewed military exchanges raise concerns that the conflict could once again spill beyond Yemen’s borders to an even greater degree. The Houthis have already demonstrated their ability to strike airports and other infrastructure inside Saudi Arabia. Therefore, Riyadh is building a defensive alliance in preparation for the worst-case scenario, while simultaneously seeking to strengthen its position inside Yemen.
During the recent G20 meetings of Foreign Ministers in America, the Saudi delegation discussed the crisis with foreign ministers representing America, European nations and the Russian Federation.
The presidential palace of Maashiq in Aden is the seat of the internationally recognized government. Thus, the Houthis recently launched several ballistic missiles at the presidential palace. Missiles also attacked Aden International Airport once more.
On October 19, the BBC reported on a Houthi missile strike against forces loyal to the government in the province of Shabwah. Initial reports stated that 70 security forces were killed by the Houthis.
The BBC said: “The Saudi-backed Yemeni armed forces said the Iran-backed group launched three ballistic missiles at al-Alam camp near Ataq city, which was being used as a training centre for recruits to the security forces and police.“
This attack inside Yemen – similar to Houthi attacks against Riyadh in Saudi Arabia – highlights the reach of the Houthis. It also signals that, while Saudi-backed forces seek to turn the tide against the Houthis, the latter remain determined to resist and counter the patchwork of pro-government forces.
In recent weeks, fighting in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, al-Jawf province, Marib province and the besieged city of Taiz has continued unabated. Government-backed forces remain determined to gain control of the besieged city of Taiz.
The BBC reports: “Yemen has been devastated by a civil war that began in 2014, when the Houthis ousted the government from the capital, Sanaa. The conflict escalated in 2015, after the Saudi-led coalition intervened in an attempt to restore the government’s rule.“
It is believed that the Houthis are utilizing Russian Federation satellite technology. This includes Russia’s Bars-M (military mapping satellite), Pion-NKS (maritime reconnaissance systems), Kondor-FKA (radar-imaging satellites), Persona (optical reconnaissance satellites), Lotos-S1 (electronic intelligence satellites) and possibly EKS/Tundra (infrared early-warning constellation). However, it is not known whether this involves direct arrangements with the Russian Federation or whether Russian technology is reaching the Houthis through Iran, a close ally of Moscow. Irrespective of the precise channels involved, the reported use of Russian-origin technology raises wider questions about the military capabilities available to the Houthis and the effectiveness of Western defensive systems.
Al Jazeera reports: “An investigation has revealed that Russian satellites are assisting the Iran-aligned Houthis to strike Saudi Arabia’s military and energy infrastructure, further upending global energy markets amid the US war on Iran.“
Modern Tokyo Times recently reported: “Recently, the Houthis warned Saudi Arabia that its airspace ‘will be the theatre of operations of our armed forces’ if Riyadh intensifies its military pressure. Subsequent attacks on the Saudi capital, if independently established as reported, demonstrate the seriousness of the threat. Nevertheless, public declarations must be distinguished from independently verified military capabilities and intentions. The use of missiles and drones against Saudi targets also illustrates how a conflict rooted in Yemen’s internal political and territorial divisions can acquire a much wider regional dimension. Such weapons can place civilian infrastructure, energy installations and international transport networks at risk without requiring the attacking side to achieve conventional military superiority.“
It remains to be seen how developments will unfold and what role Iran will play, given its support for the Houthis. The danger is that a conflict already devastating Yemen could become further entangled in competing regional security arrangements. Protecting Saudi civilians from missile and drone attacks is a legitimate security concern. However, the deployment of international defensive forces also carries geopolitical implications if Riyadh simultaneously increases its military campaign inside Yemen.
Indeed, the distinction between defensive protection and indirect participation in offensive operations could become increasingly blurred. If Saudi Arabia intensifies its attacks against the Houthis, foreign military personnel and assets stationed inside the kingdom could provide capabilities that extend beyond the protection of Saudi territory, depending on their operational roles. Air-defence systems, intelligence, surveillance, logistical assistance and other military support could become integral to a wider campaign. Consequently, forces initially deployed under defensive agreements could find themselves drawn into hostilities, potentially becoming combatants by stealth through their practical involvement rather than their original declared purpose.
This would carry serious implications for Pakistan, Türkiye, Egypt and the United Kingdom, as well as for the wider regional balance. Iran and the Houthis could regard certain forms of military assistance as participation in the conflict, potentially widening the range of targets and increasing the danger of retaliatory attacks. Equally, Saudi Arabia’s security arrangements should not become an automatic shield against scrutiny of military operations inside Yemen. Ultimately, the crucial question is whether international deployments remain confined to protecting Saudi territory or become an enabling component of a broader military confrontation. The consequences could extend far beyond Yemen, further destabilizing an already volatile region.
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